My mother passed away on 08 May 2012. She was 91. She, like all Kachins, suffered through decades of conflict and war and often claimed enough is enough – the Kachins should seek peace whatever it takes. But learning about the government’s military assault and 100,000 fleeing Kachins, she then said, “Kachins should not give up their struggle”. That was what I was told when I last met her before I left for Germany just days before she passed. Below is my briefing for SPD Fraction for Human Rights on the day of her passing away.
Presented to
SPD Fraktion, Bundestag
Berlin, 08 May 2012
1. State failure and civil war continue in my home, Kachinland. The resource-rich Kachinland covers the Kachin state (89,000 sq.km, larger than the largest state in Germany, Bavaria) and the northern Shan state, is of particular geopolitical relevance to China. This is a main reason why the Kachins are being treated differently by the Myanmar government to other ethnic nationalities in the country.
2. While ceasefire progress has recently been made with Karen, Kayah, Chin, Mon and other ethnic groups, fighting against the Kachins has escalated. The UN Special Rapporteur, in his latest report, listed a series of human rights abuses committed in Myanmar in recent months that could constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity. These include “…. grave violations of international human rights and humanitarian law, including attacks against the civilian population, extrajudicial killings, internal displacement, the use of human shields and forced labour, confiscation and destruction of property, and conflict-related sexual violence….”
3. These terrible incidents are symptomatic of the unresolved political problems and ethnic conflicts in the country. The conclusion is clear. Civil war and repression must end, if Myanmar’s reform process is to be taken seriously and succeed.
4. The Kachin plight is particularly significant because the main nationality party, the Kachin Independence Organisation, took a bold political calculation in signing a ceasefire with the government in early 1994. Subsequently, the KIO went along with all political and transitional processes until blocked at the 2010 general election. The warning is ominous. If a party that seeks to cooperate in seeking peace and reform is blocked politically and attacked militarily what can anyone else hope for?
5. On the ground, the lesson from the 1994 ceasefire agreement is that, without independent monitoring, the military is able to break the terms of the Agreement and gradually encroach, taking what it wants and abusing the local people with impunity. In short, a ceasefire without independent international monitoring has proved to be ineffective and worthless.
6. To move forward without solving the armed conflicts means that the country could return to the same situation as the 1960s when the international community regarded the country as open and the central region, populated by ethnic Burmans, enjoyed international aid and investment. Meanwhile the people in the borderlands faced daily violence and the brutal “four cuts” (the cutting off of food, finance, recruits and information) strategy. Such a policy can only lead to increased polarisation and conflict!
Democratic reform, inclusive peace and economic development are, of course, inter-connected. Thus policy-making and delivery are very challenging because many issues need to be addressed at once, and cannot be resolved in isolation. Difficult though these challenges are, the fundamental point remains that we cannot expect a lasting settlement in Myanmar and mutually fruitful international engagement unless there is an equitable and enduring peace between all the ethnic nationality groups of the country.
7. The main need has always been for the people, parties and institutions of Myanmar to resolve their challenges among themselves. International assistance and support for local initiatives has proven effective in working toward these objectives. As Germany resumes aid to Myanmar it is vital that local agenda and institutions are recognised and strengthened.
8. Germany is a country that has recent experience in dealing with the challenges of a divided society. More than many other countries, Germany knows that democracy and sustainable state-building depend on national inclusion and progress for all citizens. The peoples of Myanmar very much trust that all peoples — including the Kachins, Karens, Chins, Mons, Shans and majority Burmans — receive equal respect and support from the German government and institutions. We trust German government will support all efforts towards a nationwide ceasefire and comprehensive peace process. It must be recognised that the Kachin situation is not an exception but indicate a precedent of continuing conflict in the new era of government. Your commitment in achieving this is crucial, as failure to do so will only perpetuate long-standing conflicts, suffering and political crises and continue to burden Myanmar’s relations with the international community.
Yours truly
Seng Raw
Berlin, 08 May 2012